Monday, November 16, 2009

Foreigners in Their Homeland

NAIROBI, Nov 14 (IPS) - Resistance to a government scheme to upgrade housing in Nairobi's Kibera slum is enmeshed in economics, history and identity.Apart from being university-educated, a rarity amongst his Nubi ethnic group, Adam Hussein says his story could be the story of most Nubians. "It is a story characterised by the need to survive through challenges that are never explained to you. It is a story characterised by limited interactions with state officials who always remind you it is your privilege to be served by them. It is a story characterised by assuming false identities in order to belong,"

A matter of identity

At 18, every Kenyan is expected to apply for a national identity card which they are expected to carry on them at all times; ID cards are a basic necessity in Kenya, required for such things as opening a bank account, applying for work, signing a contract or obtaining a passport. Acquiring a card should be straightforward - present a birth certificate and copies of your parents ID cards. But members of the Nubian community are routinely subjected to additional vetting of their applications, treated with suspicion of having come into Kenya from Uganda and Sudan. Nubians are often asked to bring in their grandparents' documentation as well as a statement from their local council of elders to prove they are Kenyans. Many never get ID cards at all, despite presenting these documents. And without an ID card, a passport is out of the question. Adam Hussein, of the citizenship and stateless project at the Open Society Institute in Nairobi, had to forgo excellent job opportunities over seas for this reason. Kenyan Somalis face similar problems obtaining Kenyan ID cards. But Nubians point out that they are not a border community, and while government agrees there is no rationale for such vetting, the reality facing young people applying for the cards remains difficult.Hussein is a programme officer in charge of the citizenship and stateless project at the Open Society Institute in Nairobi. He says he had long accused most of his Nubian peers of being lazy. However, after leaving university and struggling to find formal employment for ten fruitless years, he nearly joined the many Nubians in Kenya who have given up hope of productive careers because they are denied national identity cards. He has come to understand that Kenyan Nubians simply do not belong, he says. "My great-grandfather worked in the service of the British in Somalia around the First World War and later resettled in Meru, in central Kenya. His father before him worked for the Turko-Egyptian army in the Sudan. I, like my parents, was born in western Kenya, however, our citizenship - like that of all Kenyan Nubians - has always been subject to vetting," he recounts. At 18, every Kenyan is expected to apply for a national identity card which they are expected to carry on them at all times; ID cards are a basic necessity in Kenya, required for such things as opening a bank account, applying for work, signing a contract or obtaining a passport. Acquiring a card should be straightforward - present a birth certificate and copies of your parents ID cards. But members of the Nubian community are routinely subjected to additional vetting of their applications, treated with suspicion of having come into Kenya from Uganda and Sudan. Nubians are often asked to bring in their grandparents' documentation as well as a statement from their local council of elders to prove they are Kenyans. Many never get ID cards at all, despite presenting these documents. And without an ID card, a passport is out of the question. Adam Hussein, of the citizenship and stateless project at the Open Society Institute in Nairobi, had to forgo excellent job opportunities over seas for this reason. Kenyan Somalis face similar problems obtaining Kenyan ID cards. But Nubians point out that they are not a border community, and while government agrees there is no rationale for such vetting, the reality facing young people applying for the cards remains difficult.


Sheikh Ahmed Ramadhan is another young Nubi with a similar story. The imposing 30-year-old is coordinator of the Nubian Rights Forum, a human rights organisation working to promote the rights of the Nubian community in Kenya. Ramadhan contends the lack of recognition of Kenyan Nubians has persisted for too long and it is time they speak up and demand their rights. "Our youth are put through rigorous vetting procedures when seeking identification documents despite the fact that they are Kenyans. And while we struggle to be acknowledged as citizens, the land that our fore-fathers were given in the early 1900s is slowly being snatched away from us. And with that aggression, our rich history and culture is being wiped out bit by bit," he says. When the six-foot Ramadhan says his community will stand up for their rights and demand what is theirs, you believe him. "Kibera was one of the lands allocated to our fore-fathers to settle and here five to six generations of Nubians reside in tight-knit family setups, in accordance with our culture. When there is war in Kibera and people die, the others are transported elsewhere while Nubians are buried in Kibera. We have our cemetery here. Our history in this country is deeply rooted here. This is our ancestral land," Ramadhan says, his voice shaking.


What is stirring up passions is a slum upgrading project in Kibera. For some residents, the project is a source of hope on par with the great exodus of the Israelites to the land of Canaan. For the Nubian community, the project has awakened feelings of statelessness and discrimination. A collaboration between the Kenyan government and UN-HABITAT, the slum upgrading project in Kibera - Kenya’s largest slum and Africa's second largest informal settlement - is aimed at resettling the estimated one million people living in mud-walled shacks in modern high-rise apartments. The plan involves moving residents into other accommodation, and razing the vacated shacks to build new apartments in their place. Once completed, those who were forced to move during the clearance will be allocated space in the new two-bedroomed apartments, for which they'll pay rent to the government. Each apartment is expected to house two families. For the Nubian community, this project seems to have brought back memories of similar ventures which went awry in the past. Instead of being among the beneficiaries, they were pushed to the sidelines while others took advantage. "This is not the first slum-upgrading project in this country. Others have been tried in the past through the National Housing Corporation and the reality then was that the families that were supposed to benefit never got a chance to move into the modern houses," says a sceptical Yusuf Diab, secretary general of the Nubian Council of Elders. "The only successful project was that of Karanja Estate in 1962, where, upon completion, 80 percent of those who got the houses were of the Nubian community. However, subsequent projects have ended up in the hands of foreigners and not residents of Kibera." The Nubian community has resisted moving into the new apartments and instead vowed to stay put in the informal structures until government gives them adequate compensation; the community is the most well-established in Kibera, with many families renting accommodation to other residents. The Nubian community says they have never been consulted about the upgrade. Diab argues that the government and donors came into their community with a "know-it-all" approach and assumed all residents of Kibera live on less than a dollar a day and will eternally depend on handouts. "We may live in this informal structures but that does not mean we do not have finances. We as a community stick to our culture of generations living together in one house. But this does not mean we are poor. If you come into our homes we have all the facilities that affluent people have and despite being informal we have enough room to accommodate our large families," he says. He wonders how a household of up to five generations is expected to reside in one room sharing the toilet, bathroom and kitchen area with another family. "This plan would turn us into government tenants for the rest of our lives. Here in Kibera we are landlords and apart from our houses we own rooms that we rent out. How do you then expect us to sit back and allow someone to take away our source of livelihood and turn us from home-owners into tenants?" he pauses. According to Diab, the Nubian community would have preferred a plan that would ensure they end up as home-owners. Even better, he says, would be to allocate land to the community and leaving them to develop it themselves would be ideal. "Instead of the government building apartments for us, all we asked for was about 400 acres of Kibera land be allocated to the Nubian community. Then we would develop it at our own cost," he says. Hussein argues the fact that Kenyan Nubians remain effectively stateless is the reason they cannot own land and thus remain huddled in informal settlements such as Kibera as squatters on government land. "The issue here is, Nubians are considered foreigners and indeed, when proposals are forwarded about allocating several acres to the community, politicians have clearly stated that no one will be allowed to own land in Kibera, and especially not a foreigner," Hussein says. Located only five kilometres from Nairobi's central business district, Kibera is prime property. Diab argues most of the proposals and counter-proposals surrounding questions of in Kibera have arisen out of greed, with many eyeing an opportunity to pounce and grab land in that area. The entire project is expected to re-house all two million slum residents in the city over the course of nine years at a cost of 1.2 billion dollars. While it enjoys the backing of the United Nations and Prime Minister Raila Odinga - the member of parliament who represents Kibera - whether it will be carried out successfully remains in question. The project has come under fire from urban planners who say that it risks repeating the mistakes of previous schemes – where some of the low-income beneficiaries sublet their allocated flats to wealthier families and move back to slums themselves, or families share the two-roomed apartments with one or even two other families in order to be able to afford the rent. The first batch of 1,500 people to leave the slum were moved to 300 new apartments in September. They will pay approximately $10 a month in rent. Most residents of Kibera earn less than $2 per day and pundits argue they may not be able to pay rent as well as new charges for electricity and water. The slow pace of the project has also been questioned: if it continues as it has begun, it and it is feared at the current pace it will take 1,178 years to complete. The potential for further delay is high. The Nubian community is vowing not to back down, and Kibera landlords drawn from various other ethnic backgrounds have joined a legal challenge to the upgrade process through a suit filed at the Kenyan High Court.

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=49268

Monday, October 26, 2009

Ethnic Nubians fight for land

Click on the link below to watch:


http://www.reuters.com/news/video?videoId=111797&rpc=60


Thousands of Nubians living in Nairobi's Kibera slum campaign for land which they claim belongs to them, and better living conditions.
An Africa Journal report.

You can read more with Mzee Issa Abdul Faraj-vice chair-Kenyan Nubian Elders;


Nubians
TRAILER
Scattered around Kenya, especially in the slum of Kibera, lives the illegal and discriminated against community originating from Sudan, with no identity and an uncertain future.
RUNTIME: 02:29
COUNTRY: KENYA
FILMING LOCATION: KIBERA
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH, SWAHILI
SOURCE: A24MEDIA
SCRIPT
The Nubians in Kenya, otherwise thought of as ‘fifth generation foreigners’ have lived in Kenya for many years, however, they are not considered to be legal citizens. They are stateless. The Nubians are originally from Sudan; many of them have lived in Kenya for decades due to the service of Sudanese soldiers in the British army. They were a part of the Kings African Rifles (KAR) during World War I.

The Kenyan government has refused to give citizenship to the Nubians most of whom live in the Kibera slum. They were settled in Kibera by the colonial government. The case that the Kenyan government holds is that Nubians are foreigners living in Kenya who have not renounced their Sudanese citizenship and are therefore not entitled to Kenyan citizenship. In 1939 the Sudanese government did not accept requests from Nubians (who were Sudanese soldiers at that time) to be repatriated to Sudan, hence leaving them with no choice but to stay in Kenya.
Their fight for survival under harsh circumstances has been of a commendable nature. They live in fear of being persecuted by other Kenyans. Many attempts have been made to move them out of Kibera, a place they dominated decades ago; however the government has failed to get rid of them.


Under chapter six of the Kenyan constitution Section 87(I), for citizenship in Kenya, it is it stated that a member of the Nubian community was eligible for automatic citizenship if they met three conditions;
They were born in Kenya
They were on 11th December 1963 citizens of the United Kingdom and colonies or British protected persons
At least one of their parents was born in Kenya

Due to the above conditions many new generations of Nubians born in Kenya have been given citizenship. Those who cannot prove that their grandparents or parents were born in Nairobi face a lot of difficulties in terms of getting citizenship and ID cards.
Another important point to be noted is that Nubians do not fall under any of the tribal communities in Kenya although they would like to be recognized as one. Currently they are referred to as the ‘others’, outsiders. They face high rates of discrimination and are forced to keep to themselves and only speak to people from other tribes if they have no choice. They want to be issued title deeds stating that the land that was given to them in Kibera by the British is Nubian land.

In the early days because Kibera’s more dominant inhabitants were the Nubians many people faced difficulties but some were comfortable with the Nubians. For instance, in 1969 after the assassination of Tom Mboya, Kibera was a haven for his ethnic group and the Nubians were hospitable to these people who had faced persecution by their fellow Kenyans from different tribes in other areas.


The Nubians do not only live in Kibera though. They are scattered around Kenya in places like Kisumu, Kisii, Mombasa, Meru as well as many other places around the country.
In 1933 a report was written stating that Nubians had a right to equity. This report was drafted by Sir Morris Carter (a British colonial administrator) and is now referred to as the Carter report. It noted that:

"We consider that the government had a clear duty to these ex-askaris either to repatriate them (which they declined to do in 1939) or to find accommodation for them. They were told that they might make their homes in Kibira and in our judgement they ought not to be moved without receiving a suitable land elsewhere and compensation for disturbance, and we believe that similar obligations exist in respect of their widows, or sons who are already householders at Kibira." (1933:171) Centre for Minority Rights Development (2004).
Retrieved from: http://www.cemiride.info/repository2/webfiles/nubian_adv.pdf

Not all of the recommendations made in the Carter report were carried out. If they had been, the situation of Nubians in Kenya may have been a lot easier today, however, the circumstances have not made life for Nubians in Kenya hospitable.
About 90% of the Nubians in Kenya are landless, and therefore live in poverty. This impacts their daily life in terms of food and health security as well as education. They also face many difficulties as they can not find employment mainly due to being stereotyped or disrespected by other communities. It is unknown whether these ‘other’ people will ever be accepted to a place they call home or whether their struggle will go on for decades to come.



SHOTLIST
01:00 VOX POP, KENYAN MALE (SWAHILI)
"When they refuse to give you ID, what will you vote with, you’re told to go and get your great great parents certificates of birth"

01:17 01:00 VOX POP, KENYAN MALE (SWAHILI)
"Asking for you grandparents certificate, it’s as good as refusing him an ID"
01:23 ITV, ISA ABDUL FARAJ, VICE CHAIRMAN, KENYA NUBIAN COUNCIL OF ELDERS (ENGLISH)
"If you can’t get your ID obviously, you can’t get a passport , if you can’t get this documentation, you can’t get the pin number"
01:31 ITV, ANGELA KHAMINWA, PROJECT CONSULTANT, OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE (ENGLISH)
"You won’t be able to go to a clinic if you don’t have your ID, you might not be able to attend university, if you can’t prove that you’re Kenyan, you can’t open a bank account in Kenya if you don’t have an identification card"
01:44 ITV, ISA ABDUL FARAJ, VICE CHAIRM
AN, KENYA NUBIAN COUNCIL OF ELDERS (ENGLISH)
"Before independence all blacks were in the same basket, they were all treated as fourth class citizens or whatever"
01:55 ITV, ANGELA KHAMINWA, PROJECT CONSULTANT, OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE (ENGLISH)
"They were not included as citizens of Kenya when people were being granted citizenship"
02:02 ITV, ISA ABDUL FARAJ, VICE CHAIRMAN, KENYA NUBIAN COUNCIL OF ELDERS (ENGLISH)
"Kibera in Kinubi means forest, tropical forest type, where the sunlight, rays of the sun cannot reach the forest"
02:12 ITV, ANGELA KHAMINWA, PROJECT CONSULTANT, OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE (ENGLISH)
"The British government allocated the land in Kibera but didn’t actually give them title deed, any kind of paper work for that"
02:22 VOX POP, TWO NUBIANS (ENGLISH)
"The nubians in those days had cattle, had their own farms, they used to get their food from the farm, they used to have houses where they would rent to people and we used to get our money from there for education and everything but after independence the Kenya government decided to break all these houses, their idea was to strangulate people economically which was perfected by the Kenya government"
02:44 ITV, KORRIR SINGOEI, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR CEMIRIDE, CENTRE FOR MINORITY RIGHTS AND DEVELOPMENT (ENGLISH)
"They have been displaced like over ten times to just pave way to one development or the other and that displacement has been violent, it’s been without notice, it’s been without compensation"
03:02 ITV, ANGELA KHAMINWA, PROJECT CONSULTANT, OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE (ENGLISH)
"We need to deal with this issue as a country very openly"
03:06 ITV, KORRIR SINGOEI, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR CEMIRIDE, CENTRE FOR MINORITY RIGHTS AND DEVELOPMENT (ENGLISH)
"What they desire is that what they currently occupy within Kibera would at the very minimum, at the very minimum be granted to them"
03:17 ITV, MAINA KIAI, FORMER CHAIRMAN OF KENYA’S NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION
"You know for me in fact you address them because they are sensitive, not because they are not"
03:21 CREDITS
END

Sunday, October 18, 2009

Nubi-The Language

Here is a well documented book to read,a summary;

The Nubi language of Uganda: an Arabic Creole in Africa by Inneke Hilda Werner Wellens.

The Nubi language is spoken in Uganda and Kenya. Nubi is Arabic, since about 90% of its vocabulary is of an Arabic nature. It is often termed a creole, since many of its structural and developmental features resemble those of known creoles.The growth and development of the Nubi language must be situated near Lake Albert towards the end of the nineteenth century. This period is well documented and is described at length in the first part. This volume also provides a detailed description of the Nubi language of Uganda, and it deals with the development of the language and searches for the relevant Arabic source dialects.The book includes more than one thousand examples and several texts, recorded by the author during two extensive periods of field research.

Nubian Traditional Dressing










Nubian dressing is unique especially among the women-"Gurbaba" worn beneath the dress or "Kamis Toub" is to cover the shoulders and head, same as "Fidiga" which is shorter than "Toub".

Other items of dressing are"Mendil", head scaf, "Ndala" is sandal for women and "Nila" for men.
Women also wear "Bangil, Fidua, swar,suksuk"-assessorries-Bangels etc.

The Nubian men are normally dressed in "Kanzu" but that is more like borrowing from the Swahili-Kanzu is a Swahili word that means robe, tunic, or kaftan, it is a white or cream colored robe. Note- in Kenya-kanzu is also worn by Muslims of all tribes

Here are photos of Nubian women dressed in Nubian traditional dress.

Below,some Nubian men in Kanzu,

















Monday, October 12, 2009

Nubian handicrafts

The Nubians have unique handicrafts made of reeds and river palm leaves. These are intricately woven with artistic patterns that fascinate any new comers to Nubian arts and crafts. These are often done in different colours and are very attractive and popular with foreign tourists as world-class items. These include- KUTA, TABAGA, BIRISH (colourful spread mat) and LASHIRA (field mat) etc. There are Afro trays, laundry baskets, tablemats etc. They also make embroidery for household decorations, which are often, unmatched anywhere.Kenya Nubians have a unique culture, rich in all aspects, colour and aesthetics.Material art and artefacts of the Nubian People

1. Tabaga
· How the dyes are produced
· Dyeing the reeds(diss)
· Weaving the tabaga
· Hanging the diss to dry
· Jaff
· Diss being harvested along the banks of a river
· A Nubian woman carrying the diss on her head
· Different designs of tabaga
2. Ndoo
3. Bread basket
4. Rijai
5. Murkaka
6. Fundu
7. Birish
8. Misile
TABAGA
If you have had a chance to visit the Maasai market held every Tuesday of the week along the globe cinema roundabout in town. no doubt you will attest to the act that Kenya is indeed rich in material culture of all kinds from all parts of Kenya.

From the kamba woodcarvings to the world famous kisii soapstone carvings, to colourful Maasai beads the colourful feast of ornaments, implement or most curio shops in town, no doubt you have come across

Tabaga is a functional as well as a decorative handicraft. it can be used as a wall hanging , as a decoration in homes and also to put /carry dry foods in it. Traditionally, that tabaga was and is still used as a tray for putting the traditional food called gurusa and kisra.

Tabaga is woven using reeds called diss. The scientific name of this reed is called.

These reeds are commonly found along the banks of rivers, lakes and any stagnant water body.

An awl called “mukrass” is used to makes small holes through which the prepared diss is passed through the process of weaving.


The tabaga is woven in various designs known as “fendezia” in Nubian dialect.
Water based dyes are used to dye the reeds into various brilliant colours such as red yellow, green black

These dyes are produced from….

Method:
After the powder form of the dye has been bought, the dried diss is placed in a large sufurai filled with water and usually placed over the traditional three stones fire. The dye is then added and allowed to boil for a few hours after which the diss is turned so that the other side of the diss is colour too until the desired colour on the reeds is obtained.

No doubt you have also come across colourful Nubian food covers trays, coasters, and woven baskets. The Nubian’s material culture is abundant in bright colours such as intense yellow, bright red, greens and blacks.

Have you ever wondered how these baskets and trays are made? Do you know how long it takes to make a breadbasket or food cover that retails at kshs, 100/- or 800/-?

Like everything manual the Nubian basket making production involves a laborious time-consuming task. This article is a ten part series into the different types of products produced by the Nubian community, the process of weaving these baskets, mats trays and finally the marketing of these products.

Distinct to the Nubian community are several objects whose techniques and methods of production are handed down from mother, grandmother to daughter or from aunt to nieces, etc.

How have these techniques been handed down from generation to generation with only minimal changes?

Change as always is inevitable but historical records of around reveal that the trays, food covers which were excavated from wee very similar in technique to those being currently produced by the Nubian women today.

Perhaps the use of basic implements could be a vital factor in this. The following photos show some of the products that are woven by the Nubian women in the whole region of eastern Africa.

Armed with a ‘mutwa’ or a or a simpler version of a Swiss army knife usually in groups of twos or threes or even fours, the Nubian women go to the riverside or any water body to harvest the reds.



The reeds are usually pulled off from their bases and bundled together. The bundles of reeds are the carried on the head back to the homesteads.
The reeds are split and plaited and dried on the ground or on the roof

After the colours have taken nicely, they are removed from the sufuria and hanged in a corner or on a line to dry. After the reeds are dry the excess are store d for future use.



Longuu
This is the strengthening reed that is sewn in conjunction with the diss in the weaving.







Marriage In The Nubian Community

The Bride.(photos)...
One of the outstanding characteristics of the genre in the 21st century is the eradication of tradition in all events and ceremonies undertaken. In Kenya, the most admirable thing about Maasai's and Nubian's is the steadfast adherence of their cultural traditions. Marriage is one rite of life, which many girls look forward to with such eagerness and excitement. In the days of yore, being a strictly Islamic community, a girl was chosen for the boy to marry. There was absolutely no socializing among the youth, thus the intended couple never saw or met each other until their wedding night. But now, with times changing drastically, we don't let our parents choose our spouses for us. Rather, we make our own choices. When the couple have decided they want to get married, the man writes a letter to the girls parents, to ask them for their daughters hand in marriage. The man's family will appoint a negotiator, who will undertake the task of meetings between the two families and taking decisions to the girl's side. In this case the negotiator is normally from the man's paternal side. The negotiator is referred to as Aja Witt. When the girl's parents receive the letter, they then contemplate the news. They then ask the girl whether she agrees to the man's proposal. If she agrees, the parents now decide upon the bride price, referred to as SELA. Sela consists of ;·-A jora 30 meters of material from which the parents will make their clothes, e.g. a Kanzu for the girls father and a dress for the girl's mother.·-Some money of which amount is decided upon by both families.·-Simsim seeds and simsim oil,·-Maize flour, baking flour and wheat flour.·-Sugar and rice·-Cooking oil and paraffin oil,·-Tomatoes, onions and various cooking spices (or instead an amount of money to buy these items after the marriage)·-Some money to hire a special old lady who is specialized in plaiting the brides hair; She is called a Masata.·-The brides wedding outfit - A large colourful traditional Nubian garment known as a Gurbaba (normally tied at the waist in gathers, which covers her leg up to her ankle, worn with a loose dress over it and then the lady ties a long sari-like cloth around her, thus this completes the Nubian outfit) , a white loose dress to be worn with the gurbaba, a long sari- like cloth and sandals. Normally all these items are brought in twos or threes so that the girls mother can take one of every item for herself.·-A blanket, lessos, birish and any other item for the girl's grandmother. After all this is decided upon and agreements reached, the man's family sends the negotiator to state which date they want the wedding to be held. Normally, weddings are held in three days ; Thursday, Friday and Saturday.

THURSDAY This is the day that the Sela is taken over to the girls place by the man's female relatives- his sisters, cousins and sisters-in-law. Both families prepare small Nubian delicacies called Mkati Kuta-also known as Mandazi or mhamri with lots of tea to entertain their various guests.Normally the sela is done during the afternoon, anytime after the Dhuhri prayers. The selected girls from the man';s side carry the sela luggage to the man's side. An old wives tale has it that the people carrying the sela are not supposed to look behind or put the things down until they reach the girl's homestead, as that will bring bad luck to the newly-weds. There is a place spread with Nubian carpets known as Birish where all the sela is put. The girl's grandmothers and her paternal aunties will go through the sela to make sure everything has been brought. If everything is in order, the sela is then given to the bride's sisters and sisters-in-law to arrange inside the house. The girl's grandmother normally gets a blanket, Birish, gurbaba and any other gift from the intended groom. The bride's sisters and female relatives then serve the man's family with the tea and delicacies. Later, after this celebration, the girls family go back to their homestead to prepare themselves to go back to the grooms home in the evening with a special decoration dye called Henna, to decorate the groom, the groomsmen and the grooms family. This is done in the evening, after the Maghrib prayers. During this time, when the girls; relatives arrive, they are asked to identify the intended groom, among all the groomsmen who are all covered with large clothes at that time. There is much jostling, happiness and playful teasing of both families. The Henna is applied to the groom and his groomsmen by an old lady designated for that task. During this time, the traditional Nubian songs are sung to the accompaniment of the drums; Doluka.



FRIDAY Friday is the day that the exchange of vows is normally done, due to the Islamic community. Early in the morning, after Fajr prayers, she will begin to be decorated. A special old lady, who is specialized in plaiting bride's hair, will begin plaiting her hair in the traditional bridal hairstyle known as Makaraka or Ki-arus. A small fringe is left at the front of her hair, in which a decoration called Weji and a small red thread called Thiki is put. She will have been decorated the previous day with hinna and a darker dye called Peacock, on her arm and hands, plus her feet and legs. After being plaited, She will be bathed in scented water, to ensure that she goes to her husband clean and pure. After her bath, she applies scented oils all over her body. Her face will be made up with make-up, to transform a plain girl into a truly astounding princess! She will then be donned with beaded on her neck, wrists, ankles and waist. She is then dressed in the full Nubian bridal outfit. What luxurious treatment fit for a queen!!! At the end, she truly looks like a fairy tale Nubian princess!! During the morning, food is prepared at the girls; home for the prayers and duas after the Nikkah at the mosque. At one p.m, the groom, his groomsmen, the man's male relatives and all the male relatives of the girl go to the Mosque for the Dhuhri prayer, after which the exchange of vows (Nikkah) will take place. According to Islamic teachings, the bride's brother is the one to hand her over to her intended husband. If he is not present or she does not have a brother, then a cousin from her fathers side will do that task. A Sheikh or Chief Khadhi performs the Nikkah. The brides brother holds the hand of the groom while the Nikkah is being performed. Both sides witness this. The Khadhi gives a lot of advice on how to conduct themselves as a Muslim married couple. The couple is advised to take care of each other in health and sickness, in good times and bad, for better or worse, to love and cherish each other. After this ceremony is over, food is brought to the mosque, where the men eat and celebrate the cementation of the two families. After eating, the groom and his groomsmen are escorted to the brides place with decorations, drumbeats and singing while being shaded with umbrellas held by the grooms female relatives. At the brides place, spices are ground and put at the back of the brides hair,its called Sumuk. When the groom arrives at the brides homestead, they are greeted with a lot of ululations and joy. The groom uncovers the bride to ascertain that she is indeed the love of his life, his life partner. The groom then cuts 7 reeds that have been twisted on the waist beads of the bride, to signify that her girlhood is now over and she has been initiated into womanhood. She then greets the groom and his groomsmen to acknowledge them. All this while, songs ululations and drumbeats are going on. After this, duas and prayers are offered to bless the couple, their union and their future life together. The groom then declares that the girl has now become his beloved wife and decides upon which time he wants her to be brought to her new home. Normally she is escorted in the evening under the cover of darkness so as to hide her from the prying eyes of the public. In the evening, when she is ready to be taken to the grooms home, she is donned with a long black bui-bui and completely covered with a black garment. Her paternal aunties and female relatives escort her. Her mother doesnt escort her. When they reach the door of the homestead, the aunties perform a ceremony known as Matambiko. They sprinkle water at the entrance of the home to ward of any evil spirits and to bless the home. The bride is then requested to step on an egg while saying some duas. The groomsmen then carry her into the couple's bedroom where the groom is seated on a mattress, which is beautifully decorated, ready to receive his bride. The groomsmen then lift the bride and put her on her grooms legs, then lift her again 7 times. After this event, the groom then washes her feet, welcoming her to her new home. Her paternal aunties then officially hand over the bride to her new husband. They are then left alone to enjoy their wedding night and get to know each other better. Meanwhile, celebrations are still going on. Nowadays, some people prefer to have Taarab dances on Friday, and the Doluka on Saturday.




SATURDAY On Saturday morning, a special meal is cooked at the grooms place to welcome the brides family. This ceremony signifies the coming together of the two families.It is normally eaten at lunchtime. At about four o'clock, the bride's relatives take the Derira (a mixture of spices and oil) to the grooms place. At this time they are seated at the place where the traditional dance will be held. While the drums are being played, a special lady will apply the derira on the grooms head and also on his groomsmen's heads. This special lady is called Race. The wedding dance then starts. The guests wear different designs and colours of cloths to differentiate which side they represent the grooms or the brides. But in essence, they are now one big family. The dance goes on until morning.






Later, at the newlyweds home, the bride is now getting used to her new home. An old lady known as a Wuzir, is designated to help her cook and handle her domestic duties for a week. The lady will also teach her how to handle her new house and take good care of her husband. After 7 days a ceremony is held to signify that she is now ready to stand on her own in her new home. She is given a pan to mock cooking, a tool to mock cutting wood, a bucket to fetch water, a sweep to sweep the house, all to signify that she has learnt her domestic duties. Her sister-in-law supervises her to ensure she will be a good wife. Food is then cooked by the brides mother and taken to the grooms grandfather and uncles to establish a family bond. If the bride so wishes, the Wuzir can stay on for 40 days to continue helping her with the domestic duties. If the bride and groom so wish, they can now go on a honeymoon.








Kibra is our blood

"Kibra Is Our Blood": The Sudanese Military Legacy in Nairobi's Kibera Location, 1902-1968, by Timothy Parsons © 1997 Board of Trustees, Boston University

http://www.jstor.org/pss/221547